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ENVG340代寫regional economic development

10/04/2013
1
 LECTURE 14  
APRIL 10TH 
RESOURCE
NEGOTIATIONS
ABSTRACT
In considering how ‘successful’ resource negotiations
proceed, we get a sense of the complexities around
working towards ‘better’ resource management.  This
lecture continues the critique of Eurocentric modes of
engaging with Indigenous ontologies – showing that
negotiations over resources are just as likely to fall in
to a hall of mirrors as other resource management
issues.  However, there are examples herein,
including the NZ and Thailand cases, that give hope
for more equitable resource sharing.     
CHALLENGING CONCEPTUAL BUILDING
BLOCKS IN REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT
DISCOURSE
• Five key ideas in
discourse and resource management need careful
interrogation:
• Planning 
• Management
• Capacity building
• Institutional strengthening and
• Negotiating (Howitt 2001, 154).
• Much policy ? Indigenonus people emphasises
these strategies
• ‘Negotiating’ what outcomes, and defined by what
stakeholders?
NEW WAYS OF DOING
• ‘Strategically, in seeking to decolonise the discursive
and material spaces in which indigenous peoples
are implicated, we need to construct building
blocks that mean something to people on the
ground – we need to reconceptualise them,
indigenise them and continually interrogate (and
reinterrogate) them for deeply embedded
colonising effects.’ (Howitt 2001, 156).
• Now that there is a ‘recognition space’, as Pearson
calls it, via Native Title Act 1993, then there are
possibilities for pluralism within planning and
negotiation processes.
NEGOTIATING  
• Many avenues for negotiation to play out: ILUA,
regional agreements, mediated settlements of
claims, resource co-management solutions to
resource use conflict.  
• Be wary however: 
• Expert advice, legal sophistication and careful
planning/strategising ? negotiation as an area in which
tensions between  decolonisation and deep colonisation
emerge.
• Need vigilance and openness to unsettle the certainties of
developmentalist discourses
DANCING AT THE 
EDGE OF THE WORLD?
• We need to disrupt the linear discourses of
development rather than reify them through
negotiation processes.
• Howitt draws on Le Guin (1989) – science fiction.
• ‘Unsettles the assumption that by harnessing political,
geographical, religious and artistic imagination, we can
simply make the world as we wish it to be.’ (Howitt 2001,
163).
• Dancing metaphor: embeddedness of one set of
relationships and processes (the dance) in others (music,
culture, community) – placing it at the edge of the world,
we see that every edge is also a centre – different mode.   10/04/2013
2
‘LIVING DOCUMENTS’ FORGED
THROUGH RESOURCE NEGOTIATIONS
• Treaty making between Indigenous peoples and
settler states has included recognition of Indigenous
aspirations to water – NZ, Canada.
• Agreements coming from negotiation processes are
‘living documents’ in that their success lie in their
fulfillment, not just their being.
• Even though they may be called ‘Final’ (eg Ord
Final Agreement) they actually potentially refigure 
power relationships and may open ways to future
negotiations.
• Negotiation time scales vary
NGAI TAHU IN NEW ZEALAND
• Environmental injustice arrived with the colonisation of
the south island of NZ by the British.
• Resistance early and continued – Ngai Tahu argue for a
treaty that offers fairer outcomes than the original Treaty
of Waitangi
• Sir Tipene O’Regan – chief negotiator of the Ngai Tahu
people – describes the process of securing the Ngai
Tahu treaty
• Negotiators constantly secured the support of elders during the
processes leading up to and including negotiations
• Feedback loops in to community about what was happening
• O’Regan travelled by car around Ngai Tahu territory – 39,000
people live, and giving and receiving info about facets of the
negotiation
ABOUT THE NGAI TAHU
‘Ngāi Tahu are the Māori people of the
southern islands of New Zealand - Te
Waipounamu - the Greenstone Isle. We
hold the rangatiratanga or tribal
authority to over 80 per cent of the
South Island. Our histories begin as with
all Māori when the first settlers of
Polynesia colonised Tonga, from the
west, about 1500 BC. Over the next 2000
years their descendents colonised the
remainder of Polynesia, starting with
Samoa, then moving on to the
Marquesas (about 2000 years ago),
Tahiti (1500 years ago) then on to Easter
Island, Hawaii, New Zealand and the
Chathams. They found New Zealand
uninhabited but full of wonderful new
food sources. Some of the features
typical of this period are moa-hunting
and sea-mammal hunting economy,
supplemented by crops of root
vegetables.’
-
Tahu/Ngai-Tahu.php 

DETAILS OF THE NGAI TAHU TREATY
• Deed of ‘on account
settlement of June 1996 - $10
million to Ngai Tahu and vested
country in the people of Ngai
Tahu
• $10 million payment on signing
deed of settlement
• $150 million cash settlement in
a Crown Settlement offer of
23rd September 1997
• Some $50 million in interest
• In the agreement, recognition
that Indigenous water rights
and responsibilities have been
compromised ? compensation
• Strong economic base to build
community development
initiatives
• Building case for water
allocation
• Fresh water policy

h?v=KhuGWu4-SHI 
FRESHWATER POLICY NGAI TAHU
 

EMPOWERING DESIGNS (FROM LEACH,
SCOONES AND STERLING)
Agricultural  futures and GM
crops
HIV/AIDS prevention
Include a diversity of
knowledges
Local knowledge seen as
critical.
A deliberative sampling of
representatives for the jury,
including attention to gender
representation.  BUT how
were these choices made?
What  is framework  for such?
Beyond a top-down, expert
model  to a community-
based participatory
approach.   But who is
represented  in‘the
community’?
Extend scope, enable choice  Broad framing of the
question – rural futures, not a
specific technology. What
room  for dissent, debate?
Focus on vulnerability, with a
broad definition, opening up
debate.  Again, question
constraints around choices?
Attend to rights, equity,
power
A specific focus on involving
those who do not usually
have access to decision-
making,  including women.  
How were power dynamics
dealt with in the process?
A  rights-based focus –
perspectives of the poor,
marginalised prioritised.  But
who was left out from the
group-based, community-
level approach? 10/04/2013
3
COMMUNITY-BASED NRM 
IN THAILAND

• Forest management community-driven
• Concerned about desecration of mangroves, and
subsequent degradation of marine resources.
• 1985 nearby logging concessions overharvested
mangrove and prohibited villagers from harvesting crabs
fish and shellfish.
• 1986 – villagers formed a group to stop logging and
shrimp farming - gate destroyed and commercial
logging halted.
• Replanted mangroves, controlled collecting crabs at
specific times (Kaeqmahanin, Sukwong and Fisher, 2009)
 
 
VILLAGER-LED 
RENEGOTIATION OF RESOURCES
‘The villagers realised that the people of a single
community could not implement successful and
sustainable forest management, especially since
boundaries were not demarcated and there were no
regulations on forest use.  A mangrove network
developed among a number of other local villagers. 
The idea of networking was initiated and facilitated in
those villages that shared boundaries with Pred Nai; it
later expanded to many other villages.’
(Kaewmahanin et al 2009 47). 
POVERTY REDUCTION AND
IMPROVEMENT OF LIVELIHOODS
• Some villagers – mangrove ecosystem valuable source
of income; for all, it’s a basis of a way of life.
• Through protecting the mangroves, have secured a
healthier ecosystem and greater biodiversity.
• Some species – hoy lod or razor clams have reappeared even.
• Sustainable use vs preservation been a source of
disputation within village.
• Reflected in literature on conservation – that sometimes
argue wise use is impossible.
• ‘This community-based initiative has led to both  increased
income and improved biodiversity.  The community activity did
not so much ‘conserve’ biodiversity as reintroduce  it.’
(Kaewmahanin et al 2009, 48). 
NOT ROMANTICISE COMMUNITY-LED
INITIATIVES
• Differences of opinion and conflict part of
community decision making.
• In Pred Nai over whether mangroves are managed for
preservation or sustainable use
• Community members manage this conflict
themselves – through dialogue!
• Commercial interests and government policies
have compromised biodiversity, but community
protection and protest lead to this reversal.
• Small successes ? confidence
 
Water politics of Sydney’s
desalination plant
Or, when public participation really doesn’t play a
role in resource negotiation
Urban water management in
Australia
? Construct drought as a problem to deal
with rather than a climatic reality
? Focus on supply driven solutions
? ‘Dominant discourses of drought construct it
as an enemy to be vanquished and
misconstrue it as a natural occurrence rather
than a socially constructed ‘fact’.’ (Isler ,
Merson and Roser 2010, 351)
? Drought produces a market that must be
filled  10/04/2013
4
Changing climate and water
management
? Evidence that climate change ? changes in water
regimes in WA, and elsewhere (Isler et al 2010) 
? Adaptive responses to climate change required,
demanding holistic solutions to ‘wicked’ problems
? However, the tensions in building more
desalination plants to provide never-ending
freshwater supply to cities and ensuring a safe
climate future are concerning.
? Desalination requires energy to change sea water
in to fresh – big inputs, even when not in active
use 
Australia and world wide desal
grows
? Since 2005, Perth, Sydney,  Adelaide and
Gold Coast have desalination plants –
Melbourne planned
? But no serious investment in water
recycling or stormwater capture plans.
? History of ad hoc water planning, urban
overrun of water ways, then 20th century
reassessment and centralisation of water
governance.
? Institutionalised water control
Sydney’s path to desalination
? 2002 – drought – serious concerns about
Warragamba dam levels.  80% of water
for Sydney from here (Isler et al 2010).
? 2004 Sydney Metropolitan Water Plan
posited desal as solution
? During 2002-2007 drought, focus on
‘drought readiness’ and drought ‘proofing’
rather than evaluating all possible water
management options
 
Government unilateral decision
making
? ‘However, in the run up to the 2007 State
election, as storage levels fell below 35%, the
NSW Government announced it had called for
tenders on the desalination plant project. In the
end, despite the well designed ‘readiness’ strategy,
the rush to 'drought proof' the city saw the
desalination plant initiated before the trigger
point of 30% of storage had been reached.
Immediately after the decision was taken, the
rains returned and Sydney was no longer at
imminent risk of running out of water.’ (Isler et al
2010, 356) 
Demand changing: Per capita water
use
? Drop in use from 506L in 1990-1991 to 342L in 2004-2005
? 2005 - $2 billion desal plant announced by Premier Carr only if
dam levels continued to drop
? When announced, Sydney had sufficient supply stored for two
years.
? August 2005 – Iemma – new premier, new VISION.  Ignore own
adaptive management plan.
? Sydney needed secure supply
? “Sydney needs a new source of clean drinking water, drought or no
drought”
Public didn’t want it!
? 2005 Newspoll survey found that 60 per cent of Sydney residents
opposed the decision to build a desalination plant and would rather
see investments in water recycling and reuse.
? Energy use offset by windfarms
? $110 increase in water cost per house per year (Isler et al 2010)
? Socio-political factors most important in pushing through water
reform, at economic and environmental cost.  
 
 
Sydney Water – aware of cost
differentials
‘A recycling scheme that produced 100 million
litres of water a day would cost $285 million
to build or $1.15 for every 1000 litres of
water, according to a Sydney Water report
dated August 17, 2005.
A desalination plant capable of producing the
same amount of water would cost $470
million or $1.80 per 1000 litres.’ 
-
waste-seawater-not-the-
solution/2005/11/24/1132703316740.html  10/04/2013
5
Insight SBS –  ‘Running Dry’
discussion
JENNY BROCKIE: David Evans, what are you planning in Sydney in terms of 
desalination?
DAVID EVANS: Desalination  is part of a diversified approach. I think we 
have to recognise, given the drying of the climate, etc, and the growth, 
that we don't have a single solution to these water supply issues. 
We have to attack it on all fronts and desalination  is part of the attack 
but also getting more out of the existing dams is part of it. 
Doing recycling where you can is part of it, encouraging consumers 
to fit water efficient appliances is part of it.
JENNY BROCKIE: Ian Kiernan, you're against the Sydney desalination plant. 
You're on a committee  I think that advised the Government against it. Why?
IAN KIERNAN: I'm absolutely opposed to the desalination option. 
It is going to use more energy, not only to put it through the membrane, 
but then to pump it inland where we need it where  it's coming from in 
the first place. We've got a number of sewage treatment plants under  
Sydney Water now that are approaching world's best environmental  practice 
and they're being dumped in the Hawkesbury Nepean and dumped in the ocean. 
We need new water but the first place to look is from industry – 
by educating industry to look at recycling. The least favoured option was 
desalinisation because it's hungry for energy and it's going to produce a brine stream.  
We want to know what is going to be the affect on Cronulla Beach. 
Is it going to be affected by the brine stream that's coming out of that plant?
REFERENCES
• Anonymous, 2005. ‘Why did the NSW Government sign off to desalination plant?’, Webdiary online, accessed 9th
April 2013   
 
• Isler, P., Merson, J., Roser, D. 2010. ‘‘Drought Proofing’ Australian Cities: Implications for Climate Change
Adaptation and  Sustainability ‘,  World Academy of Science, Engineering and Technology 46:351-359.
 
• Kaewmahanin, J., Sukwong, S., and Fisher, R. 2009. Pred Nai Community Forest, Trad Province, Thai land,  in (eds)
Fisher, R., Maginnis, S., Jackson, W., Barrow, E., Jeanrenaud, S. 2009. Linking Conservation and Poverty Reduction:
Landscapes, People and Power. Earthscan, London, pp 46-52.
 
• Langton, M., Mazel, O., Shain, K., Palmer, L. and Tehan, M. (Eds), (2006). Set tling with  Indigenous People: Modern
treaty and agreement-making. Sydney: The Federation Press.
 
• Leach, M. Scoones,  I. and Stirling, A. 2010, Dynamic Sustainabi lities: Technology, Environment, Social Justice,
Earthscan.   
 
• Te Runanga O Ngai Tahu, undated, Te Runanga O Ngai Tahu Freshwater Policy, accessed 8th Apri l from: 
  
 
• O'Regan, S.T., Palmer, L. and Langton, M., (2006). 'Keeping the Fires Burning: Grievance and Aspiration in the Ngai
Tahu Settlement'. In: Langton, M., Mazel, O., Shain, K., Palmer, L. and Tehan, M. (Eds). Set tling With Indigenous
People: Modern Treaty and Agreement-Making. Sydney: The Federation Press, 45-65.
 
 
 

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